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Afghanistan/Pakistan

On Post-War Buyer’s Remorse

Or…The Vietnam Iraq Syndrome

 

I have to admit, I’m feeling pretty satisfied watching President Obama twisting himself into myriad contortions to justify US military intervention in Syria. I’m satisfied because I see this as one further step in a paradigm shift in which Americans reject the legitimacy of war and militarism altogether. The long march to a paradigm of peace has been a long time coming, and will not be realized any time soon, but time and again war has been exposed as a lie. It is only a matter of time before war becomes synonymous with lies in the minds of the people and is universally rejected.

9/11 was a huge setback for the peace movement. The slow re-establishment of American militarism that began under President Reagan in the 80’s blossomed in the fertile field of fear and paranoia resulting from that sudden and brutal attack. We Americans allowed ourselves to be conned into war with Afghanistan without so much as a peep. Americans, with few exceptions, embraced attacking Afghanistan because…well…because we were attacked and, therefore, we had to attack someone. Other options, other strategies, other ways of thinking about how a nation can deal with terrorism rather than by declaring war were not offered or, if suggested, were ignored.

Voices for peace, for treating terrorism as the crime that it is…regardless of who is perpetrating it… were mostly silenced. Those who would not remain quiet were marginalized and even vilified. The US was attacked. It was time to strike. War was the only viable response. We invaded Afghanistan despite the fact that not a single 9/11 terrorist was Afghan. Still, someone had to be attacked and destroying a country always makes one feel better, empowered.

With blood still dripping from our teeth, the Bush Administration turned our attention toward a new threat. They whipped up our war lust further with dystopian fantasies of hairy Arabs storming the US with Iraqi made chemical and biological weapons. Each speech was heavily punctuated with references to the iconic mushroom cloud as if it was always hanging over us. Despite all evidence to the contrary, Americans once again allowed ourselves to embrace the fallacy of war.

Now, Americans are waking from this bloody bacchanal, our economy wrecked, our dignity destroyed, our reputation among nations tattered. Our new perspective on war is no longer clouded by fear and blood-lust, so we can clearly see the lies, the subterfuge. We are angry, and not a little ashamed of the last twelve years. We are skeptical of our elected leaders and cynical of their intentions when they start talking of bombs and missiles and drones. The citizenry is no longer swayed so easily by the drums of war.

It’s not the first time. After World War I, the American public realized that war is not only senseless destruction, but that powerful forces influence the decision to go to war based on self-interest rather than national interest. In 1934, Republican Senator Gerald P. Nye conducted intensive investigations of US entry into the Great War. Rather than a “war to end all wars,” Nye saw an exchange of blood for profits. He said, “When the Senate investigation is over, we shall see that war and preparation for war is not a matter of national honor and national defense, but a matter of profit for the few.” The commission held the public attention and fanned popular ire and anti-war sentiment. When Nye became too critical of the late President Wilson, however, his inquiry was shut down by the Senate before it could be completed.

Shortly after the Nye Commission began sifting through the ubiquitous lies of war, one General Smedley Butler, a decorated war hero, published a version of his popular, nation-wide lecture series, War is a Racket. Butler noted that World War I saw the birth of over 20,000 new millionaires and billionaires in the United States. In his lecture he asked, “How many of these war millionaires shouldered a rifle? How many of them dug a trench? How many of them knew what it meant to go hungry in a rat-infested dug-out? How many of them spent sleepless, frightened nights, ducking shells and shrapnel and machine gun bullets? How many of them parried a bayonet thrust of an enemy? How many of them were wounded or killed in battle?” Ultimately, Butler had to ask how much average Americans had to pay to create these new millionaires and billionaires. “This bill renders a horrible accounting. Newly placed gravestones. Mangled bodies. Shattered minds. Broken hearts and homes. Economic instability. Depression and all its attendant miseries. Back-breaking taxation for generations and generations.” Despite a thirty-four year military career, including two Medals of Honor, the most decorated marine up to that time concluded his lecture with, “TO HELL WITH WAR!”

Most Americans agreed with Butler’s conclusion. American politicians responded by passing multiple Neutrality Acts throughout the thirties. It took a direct attack against the United States at Pearl Harbor to reverse almost twenty-five years of anti-war sentiment characterized by Nye and Butler.

After the tumult, instability, meaningless deaths and wasted youth resulting from the Vietnam War, Americans were once again disenchanted with war. The power elite stoked fears of communism, the Domino Theory to justify destroying Vietnam to save it. After all, if a bunch of peasants along the Mekong became communist, it was only a matter of time before the Commies were sailing down the Mississippi. It took news of an attack against American forces in the Gulf of Tonkin, a mostly fictitious account it turns out, before President Johnson could justify his escalation of American Militarism.

Meanwhile, Americans watched almost 60,000 flag draped coffins find their way into American cemeteries, while government lies were revealed in the Pentagon Papers and other leaks. The atrocities committed at Mai Lai were played out on television. Heart-wrenching photo-journalism darkened our magazines and newspapers. The brutal imbecility of war was never more obvious to the American public.

American antipathy for war in the 1970’s and 80’s was referred to as the Vietnam Syndrome. This was of great concern to the politicians of this time, chomping at the bit for a war of their own. President Reagan’s unprecedented peacetime military build-up culminated in nothing more than a pathetic military operation against the not-so threatening nation of Grenada, population less than 100,000.

In 1991, President H. W. Bush announced that “the Vietnam Syndrome is over” after the successful blitzkrieg of Iraq during Operation Desert Storm. He may have been a little pre-mature. Certainly, the Vietnam Syndrome was foremost in Colin Powell’s mind, and in the minds of his staff, as they prepared a decisive victory with a clear endgame. The heroic journalism that brought the Vietnam War home to Americans would no longer be tolerated as journalists were often excluded, or embedded through the military Public Relations offices. To head off protests, Americans were encouraged to “support the troops, even if you don’t support the war.” Protestors, of whom I was one, were soundly condemned as unpatriotic, measured against an archetype of Vietnam era activists who shamefully spit on returning soldiers. The nascent twenty-four hour news cycle ran mostly laudatory stories about American victories or documentaries on the awesome technology being used on the ground in Iraq.

Since Vietnam, it became standard practice among American military leadership to make sure that war was as invisible as possible. If it was not possible to keep the war behind the curtain, then it was incumbent upon the leadership to ensure that the operation was limited in scope and over before a significant protest movement could be mobilized. Thus President Clinton tap-danced around operations in Bosnia, a relatively well reported campaign, while he was also overseeing almost daily bombings of Iraq throughout his administration, virtually unreported.

American blood-lust was not whipped up again until after 9/11. This tragic event became the starting line for two of America’s longest and costliest conflicts. Looking back on the thousands of lives lost and the trillions of dollars spent, it is impossible to suggest that Americans have much to show for our efforts. We are not safer from terrorism. Our rights have not been protected, but rather trampled. Rose petals were not thrown at the feet of our soldiers as they liberated Afghanistan and Iraq from tyranny. Democracy did not blossom from the soil of nations bombed into oblivion. Al Qaeda was not destroyed, but rather used US violence as a public relations tool to recruit even more followers…

…and 9/11 still happened…

…and nothing can change that.

So now we are back where we started after the Paris Peace Conference 1919. Fatigued and disillusioned by the false promises that war will make things better, will restore honor, will enhance our credibility as a nation. We no longer blindly accept the legitimacy of war. And we shouldn’t accept war, for war is and always has been a lie. That we recognize this is a step toward a true civilization of man. That we never forget it…that is the key to the kingdom.

It’s certainly not the end of war. I’m optimistic, not delusional. Obama will almost certainly order a missile strike on Syria…just because, well, red lines and all that. However, Obama now has to content with the Iraq Syndrom. The fact that since Vietnam, indeed, since World War I and to an ever increasing degree since, our political leadership has been forced to conduct war largely in secret and has only been able to justify war in the face of direct attack is an indicator that we as a people are on the cusp of rejecting war in toto. We are also living in a world that is evolving in such a way that secrets, even secret wars, are increasingly difficult to keep. The peace movement can build on these two foundational elements to create a permanent critique of war, a perpetual rejection of militarism.

President Obama’s moral claims to a red line that was crossed when chemical weapons were used ring hollow to our ears. We demand proof before we act. We demand that if we act, our actions will save lives—an outcome that is in doubt. We demand that we act upon the correct antagonist. Many of us also see the inherent moral contradiction in a policy of using weapons of mass destruction, missiles and bombs, as a means of responding to the use of weapons of mass destruction, namely chemical weapons. What is the difference between sarin gas and cruise missiles, or cluster bombs? Many of us reject the notion that one way of killing is somehow more ethical than another.

That we, as a people, are making these demands upon our elected officials is another good sign. We allowed ourselves to be deceived into war twice as the new millennium dawned. The people are simply not willing to take anyone’s word for it any more (though to be honest, I have a feeling that if our President were a Republican, there would be significantly less controversy today). War is almost always premised on lies. This history cannot be denied and must not be forgotten. It is incumbent upon the peace movement to continue to educate the public about the great lie even in times of peace.

Since we have this foundation on which to build, the next steps are three-fold. First, we must protest the wars going on behind the curtain. The flying killer robots now employed in Pakistan, Yemen, and other unspecified US combat zones have no consciousness. They will never register as conscientious objectors. We must reject and condemn even remote control wars that are conducted in our name. Second, we must demand that our leadership formulate plans in response to direct attacks that do not involve war. The United States and our allies will almost certainly be attacked again in the future. If some entity has the grievance, the will and the means, they will attack. Our political leaders, our military, our flying killer robots cannot truly keep us safe. When attacked, we must respond, but we should respond in a sensible, tactical way that targets the guilty while protecting the innocent and preserving human rights. Don’t tell us this cannot be done. Thirdly, we as a people should demand policies that respect human boundaries and human rights; policies that promote a global community and reject international competition and build a sustainable global economy. Terrorists feed on hatred and anger, the very hatred and anger being perpetuated by unilateral war and flying killer robots raining destruction down on teenagers and wedding parties. Terrorism withers and dies in an environment of mutual respect and good will. American policies must promote that good will.

The seeds of world peace have been planted. Rejection of war is at hand. The lie is exposed. We reject the lie in Syria as we reject it throughout the world.

To quote General Butler.

To Hell with War!


They’re All Our Children

When tragedy strikes our own children, we collectively mourn. The world would be a better place if we did the same for the children of others.

 

Figure 1: Pakistani Children Keeping Vigil for the Sandy Hook Victims Click image for the source

 

In my novel, The Revelation of Herman Smiley the title character is tasked with remembering what much of humanity has forgotten in our seven thousand year odyssey of civilization. For fear of spoiling the ending, I will reveal that this lost memory is, “It’s all about the children.” Herman Smiley feels like a fool for taking so long to remember something so simple and so glaringly obvious. Well he should. And so should we as we go about our lives wasting incalculable resources in wealth, time and emotion on meaningless paradigms of success, growth, status and so called “work ethic.” We, all of us, including at times this author, often lose the most basic and primal truth of human (and many other species’) existence to the rote and ritual regimens of everyday life.

Tragically, moments like the horrific Sandy Hook massacre jolt us back into stark reality. We’ve forgotten the children. We grieve for the fallen, for the bereaved parents and loved ones. However, a part of us retains a certain remorse for our own forgetfulness when it comes to the children. As a result we spend some time holding our own even tighter, being more attentive, more appreciative of the beauty and promise that we recognize as childhood. People die all over the world to war, famine, crime and sickness. These deaths are all mini-tragedies. When it’s children, however, we understand viscerally that there’s a qualitative difference in the pathos. We know that more than a life has been lost, but also a promise a dream for our own future.

When President Obama eulogized the deaths of the Sandy Hook victims he recognized this basic truth. “This is our first task — caring for our children. It’s our first job. If we don’t get that right, we don’t get anything right. That’s how, as a society, we will be judged.” He offered an understanding and empathy not just as a national leader at a time of profound sorrow, but as a feeling man and as a devoted father. “There’s only one thing we can be sure of, and that is the love that we have — for our children, for our families, for each other. The warmth of a small child’s embrace — that is true. The memories we have of them, the joy that they bring, the wonder we see through their eyes, that fierce and boundless love we feel for them, a love that takes us out of ourselves, and binds us to something larger — we know that’s what matters. We know we’re always doing right when we’re taking care of them, when we’re teaching them well, when we’re showing acts of kindness. We don’t go wrong when we do that.”

More importantly, President Obama recognized the necessary, communitarian roots requisite of constructing a healthy childworld. “And we know we can’t do this by ourselves. It comes as a shock at a certain point where you realize, no matter how much you love these kids, you can’t do it by yourself. That this job of keeping our children safe, and teaching them well, is something we can only do together…” We all share responsibility for the children of our community, city, nation…

…world! It’s all about the children. All of the children.

Like most who listened to the President’s lofty words, I was moved. Yet it was difficult to synchronize his statements in Connecticut with his actual policies. How can Obama’s sincere remorse for the little lives lost in Sandy Hook, and all over the country, flow so effortlessly from the same man responsible for the deaths of children unfortunate enough to find themselves at the receiving end of a drone strike. According to Robert Greenwald, and the activist organization War Costs
62 children have been killed by drone strikes during Obama’s presidency, the equivalent of three Sandy Hook massacres. Since the drone program began under George W. Bush, 178 children, almost nine Sandy Hooks, have been confirmed killed.

Yet drone attacks are only one avenue through which scores of Sandy Hook massacres are taking place in our name. U.S. wars and combat operations all over the world result in the senseless slaughter of children. For over a decade, the United States has overseen the deaths of children in Afghanistan. Military policy in Afghanistan under Obama condones the targeting of children who show “potential hostile intent.” The Administration also defines all “fighting age” males as potential combatants unless it can be demonstrated otherwise. How “fighting age” can be determined, especially from the air, is not clearly stated.

Indeed, many of the forces we are fighting do not hesitate to use children for military purposes. The Taliban is known to use children to help support its soldiers in attacking American positions. Also, what constitutes fighting age in the United States is not the norm throughout the world. Regardless, we must understand that these are nations in which the United States was not invited. We invaded not because it was the only policy, but because we can. For the United States, history’s most powerful military culture, invasion is the easy choice, never the only choice. We often justify invasion using the omnibus rationalization known as the war on terror, but terror cannot be defeated by drone strikes and cluster bombs. So the war on terror is a false pretense as clearly betrayed In the case of Iraq, in which almost four thousand children were confirmed killed as a result of combat operations and related violence. At least two hundred Sandy Hooks.

Besides, the tragedy of child soldiers is, when convenient, embraced or even ignored by the Obama Administration. The Administration continues to provide aid and training to nations known to use child soldiers. This is happening despite the fact that such funding is a clear violation of the Child Soldier Prevention Act; a law once co-sponsored by a certain Senator Obama.

Let’s not forget that President Obama is a Nobel Peace Prize recipient.

Add on top of that the more complicated calculus of child death and suffering resulting from American policies. How many children are currently dying in Iran as a result of US led sanctions against that country? It’s impossible to say for sure, but if we look at the devastating Iraqi Sanctions put into place in 1991, we can get a good idea. As many as half a million child deaths can be attributed to that policy.

Then there is the blind eye that is shielded from ruinous trade policies and corporate exploitation that leads to the suffering and death of children from the coltan mines in West Africa to child labor mills and sweatshops throughout the developing world. The deaths of children under the American flag are, in essence, the equivalent of countless Sandy Hooks every year…in our name.

Whenever such tragedies in which children are the target occur we are hard put to define the cause. Is the murderer mad, suffering from some unfortunate mental illness? Perhaps he is a psychopath, a sadist or sociopath. It could be that he is just plain evil, unworthy of even the hint of a more sympathetic understanding. In most cases, we never really know for sure.

Yet how may we describe political policies, carried out in our name, which results in even worse deadly consequences?

If we really care about children…

If we really care about children.

 

 


 


A Quote from President Obama’s Nobel Peace Lecture

Obama Quote


What Nobel Peace Prize?

Obama Peace Prize

A Plausible, Fictional Scenario

Scene: conference room of the Nobel Prize Committee:

Committee Person 1: “Hey, I have an idea! Why don’t we give the Nobel Peace Prize to President Barack Obama? This might motivate him to abandon the militant/imperialist policies of his predecessors and pursue more peaceful and reasonable policies for solving international problems like terrorism.”

Committee Person 2: “That’s a great idea.  I second that motion!”

Committee Chairman: “All in favor?”

Committee: “Aye!”

So How’s This Working Out For You?

                About a month after being elected, Barack Obama sent 17,000 soldiers into Afghanistan.  A few months later he learned that he was the recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize.  A teacher might call this positive reinforcement of negative behavior.  Such a teacher would predict that the consequence of this reinforcement would be further escalation of warlike ends.  Just two weeks before giving his Nobel acceptance speech, he proved the hypothetical teacher correct by requesting 30,000 more troops be sent into an untenable battlefield.  In the meantime, the Obama Administration continues to wage and escalate a secret war in Pakistan manned by flying killer robots. 

                The new Nobel laureate has done nothing to reverse the breaches of humanity committed by the Bush Administration.  Despite his lofty rhetoric we still remain a nation under a surveillance infrastructure that ignores our rights. GITMO may be closing (someday), but you can forward any mail to Bagram, which the Obama Administration insists is outside the jurisdiction of the US Supreme Court—for exactly the same reasons given by Bush.

                Granted, the sheen of the Nobel Prize has long been tarnished by the likes of Henry Kissinger,  and this isn’t the first time that a US president has received the prize despite questionable peace credentials.  Barack Obama is just another layer of corrosion and rot, just another disappointment in the chronicle of peace.  Obama offered us change we could believe in.  Well, there are those who believe in Bigfoot and UFOs without actually seeing them.  It appears that actual change in America will be equally elusive. A more peaceful foreign policy will be no exception.

 

The Escalation of War

 

                None of this should come as a surprise. The relationship between the technologies of power and the empowered is one of mutual reinforcement.  Once measures such as war, surveillance and extra judicial activities are set into place they are very difficult to dislodge.  The established infrastructure and bureaucracy that support these measures become entrenched in the system, institutionalized and self perpetuating.  The benefits these institutions confer to the powerful then create a symbiosis that is, in fact, parasitic to enlightened, democratic societies. 

                And what ties these variables together?—war.  War justifies the use of such technologies and the expansion of the corresponding institutions.  If a nation can just remain in perpetual state of war then abuses of power can be defined as “national defense.”  And “national defense” is the key.  Enlightened and ethical people have long since turned their backs on glorious conquest.  As Obama conceded in his acceptance speech, the only just war is a defensive war.  Hence the Department of War becomes the Department of Defense and massive military investment in offensive weapons is called “defense spending.”

                Yet institutions of power are still very much motivated by the glory of conquest.  Entire industries have developed to fulfill imperialist ends.  These industries must be fed.  So with the rise of the military industrial complex the United States has been in a perpetual state of warfare—every single operation defined as one of defense.  From containing communism to the Domino Effect in Indonesia, Central and South America, and Cuba to non-existent weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, the United States has always defined its violence toward weaker nations as defensive.

               

9/11 and the War on Terrorism

 

                Upon watching the fall of the Twin Towers on 9/11 it became clear that there really was a necessity to defend ourselves. Despite our massive (the most massive in the history of mankind) “defensive” posture, the United States turned out to be just as vulnerable as everyone else on the planet.  Terrorists with enough guile were a threat to our security.  Something had to be done.

                And something was done–the wrong thing. Despite the danger posed by al Qaida, a non-state organization, the United States decided to invade a sovereign nation which, in and of itself, had nothing to do with 9/11.  Conveniently, however, they did have a great deal of natural gas that we wanted  and a government that was easily vilified. They were a perfect enemy for an imperialist military structure.

                The justification for invading Afghanistan was that they refused to turn over Osama bin Laden.  Of course, like all other excuses for going to war, this was not true.  Indeed, Afghanistan did what nations always do when they have something another nation wants—they negotiated.  Most negotiations begin with saying no.  Of course, negotiation was not in the interests of the Bush Administration. Power must have its wars.  This is especially true for power of questionable legitimacy, like the first term Bush Administration.

                Osama bin Laden was never the real target, at least not the only target.  If he was, the US would have developed a different response.   Any real strategy for dealing with non-state terrorist organizations would preclude traditional warfare as inadequate.  Terrorism must be countered through international policing.  Traditional warfare is designed to pit one state against another. It is not designed to counter non-state entities like al Qaida.  Using traditional warfare in such an instance is akin to bombing Chicago to fight the Mafia.  Bin Laden and 9/11 were nothing more than the pretext to expanding military/imperial interests in a resource rich nation. Afghanistan does not satisfy the requirements for a just war.

               

Traditional Warfare in the War on Terror

 

                That we invaded Afghanistan because it was the center of al Qaida’s terrorist network was demonstrably false.  International investigations revealed that the plan was designed, implemented and carried out from Hamburg.  Yet there was never a discussion about invading Germany to defend our nation.

                That Afghanistan had to be invaded to rob al Qaida of an important base of operations cannot be supported.  Al Qaida is an extra-national organization.  It’s unlikely that they need a base of operations.  However, if they do need training grounds and such there’s nothing to stop them from packing their terrorist bags and setting up in another country. Indeed, this appears to be exactly what they’ve done. According to reports there are virtually no al Qaida left in Afghanistan.

                At best, the United States tried to resolve a postmodern problem, the advent of extra state terrorism, by applying a medieval solution, military invasion. All of the progress against terrorist organizations has come through international policing and smaller counterterrorism strikes.  The invasion of two sovereign nations–and military entanglement in a third—has done nothing but bog down America’s military and economy, alienate us from the rest of the world and give rhetorical fodder to extremists with which to convince others that the US is engaged in a holy war against Islam. 

                Of course, policing and counterterrorism do not perpetuate war making institutions.  Though there’s profit to be made in such actions the obscene wealth accrued by war industries is just not there.  Also, ongoing, small scale, largely off the map operations do not serve to perpetuate the interests of power quite like a good, old fashioned war.

               

Obama and Peace

 

                Now that these military adventures have been discredited and our soldiers are entangled in regional, cultural conflicts such as those between the Shi’a and Sunni in Iraq and the Tajik and Pashtun in Afghanistan, the solution being offered by the Nobel Laureate is…more war.  Obama’s Nobel acceptances speech read less like an affirmation of peace than a talking points memo for war. 

                President Obama has explained that the US must escalate combat operations in Afghanistan to ensure stability and support for a newly founded “democratic” government.  This absurdity is betrayed by the fact that the Karzai government is blatantly corrupt and considered by Afghans to be a puppet government of the US. Recent elections cannot, by any measure, be considered “democratic.” That our soldiers, often referred to as our “treasure” by politicians and pundits, should be expended in defending a government entrenched in the drug trade should be a national outrage.  That our military can function in Afghanistan only by bribing the Taliban for safe passage to the very battlefields where it will be fighting the Taliban is only the most obvious example of the absurdity that is this particular military adventure. 

                Yes, Obama has conceded that there will be a time table for withdrawal.  American commitment in Afghanistan is not open ended.  Well, that’s great, if they really mean it. Not twenty four hours after Obama’s Afghanistan policy speech members of the Administration were back-pedaling the whole eighteen months time table.  Well, it might be eighteen months before we start withdrawing troops, or eighteen months is an estimate, not a firm policy statement, or there may be contingencies in which troops will remain longer.  If Obama’s GITMO policy is any precedent we can expect this timetable to be extended by at least 100%. We’ll see in eighteen months, but I wouldn’t hold my breath.

                But what do we expect from this latest winner of the Nobel Peace Prize.  Here’s a man who is making efforts toward limiting nuclear weapons, yet when it comes to immoral and internationally condemned weapons that are actually being used, like landmines and cluster bombs, Obama has been silent.  All enlightened people throughout history have condemned war.  Some such people have even won the Nobel Peace Prize.  Activists throughout the world have the audacity to hope for peace and humanity, but should not expect such from a sitting American president, regardless of having  a Nobel Peace Prize draped over his headboard.

                Perhaps next year the award will be better vouched.

 

__________________

 

For References go to the Reference Sources page on the Journal of a Mad Sociologist

For a PDF version of this Blog Click Here

 

UPDATE 12/30/2009

 

 

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Droning on and on about why Pakistan doesn’t like us!

Why are we so shocked when people whom we are bombing…don’t like us?

Secretary of State Clinton, this week, found it difficult to convince the people of Pakistan that sending our killer flying robots into their neighborhoods was being done for their own good.

Really, it’s for your own good

During Vietnam we destroyed villages to save them.  In the eighties we encouraged freedom in Central America by making sure that their death squads were the best trained in the world. In Iraq, after bombing them back to the stone age, instituting a murderous sanctions program and then…uh…bombing them back to the stone age again, we expected them to welcome us as liberators.  How disappointing!

Now we can’t understand the difficulties we are having winning the hearts and minds of states like Afghanistan and Pakistan. After all, we deposed a tyrannical government in Afghanistan and replaced it with one so backward and blatantly corrupt that people around the country are thinking that maybe tyranny isn’t such a bad thing. In Pakistan we embraced their butchering tyrant as an ally in the war on terror.  Now the same tyrants we drove out of Afghanistan are taking over Pakistan. In response,  we send in our Predator Drones to kill the terrorists…at least most of the time…or some of the time…well, according to some reports one time out of ten.

It’s baffling that the local population doesn’t rush to embrace our nation’s representatives like Secretary Clinton.  After all, who’s trying harder to blast them into a thriving democracy? The Obama Administration has already performed more Predator Drone strikes in the last nine months than the Bush Administration ordered in the last three years! Of course, the Bushies really weren’t too attentive of our allies (or our enemies) in that region once they entered Iraq.

Maybe we need some fresh ideas for dealing with the Afghan/Pakistan region.  I know. We should consult a Nobel Peace Prize laureate on the matter. He’ll know what to do…

…oh yeah

…never mind.